During the Crimean War the friends of Caucasia had been active in Great Britain. Intensive relief activity were organized through the “Committee of Friends of the Circassians ”.  The Polish residents in Britain also took part in those activities. 

              In the aftermath of the occupation of Poland by Russia, a large number of displaced persons had taken refuge in the British Islands, France and Turkey. 

            Graf Zomoiski and Theodore Lapinski, ex-Polish generals residing in western Europe, had been particularly vocal in support of the Caucasian cause; for they believed Poland and Caucasia shared a common destiny.  They admired the Circassians, who had been gallantly resisting the Russian onslaught. 

            Theodore Lapinski, believed  that political publicity alone would not be sufficient to help the Circassians to win their freedom, and that hostilities would soon flare up. He set out for Caucasia with the intent of taking part in the fight.  With him there were a certain number of Polish volunteers, as well as weapons and ammunitions, which he had procured from various sources. 

            The well known adventurer Bangi the Hungarian, and the Kurdish Prince Faris, who lived in Paris, also joined Lapinski.

            Istanbul was indeed the first place the daring men stopped over on their way. Bangi the Hungarian was quick to draw the attention of the Ottoman authorities. 

            He was awarded the rank of Colonel of Ottoman Army. He was renamed Col. Mehmet, and was instructed to report at the headquarters of Zanıko Sefer Paşa, and to join his staff.

            The foreign legion arrived the coast immediately after the conclusion of cease-fire¹ . They met with Zazıyiko Mehmet at Vaye² , where from they proceeded to the Ubih region.

            Upon their  lukewarm reception at Mehmet Emin’s headquarters, the foreign legionaries moved on to Zanıko Sefer Paşa’s camp. 

            Within a short time the Polish patriots managed to survey the situation in the area, including the latest activities in the Russian strongholds north of the Kuban river.  Their assessment hinged at one point: The war had brought solution to none of the problems of Caucasia, and the Paris Peace Conference, then in progress, was not promising either. 

            Lapinski, even before his departure from Istanbul, had discerned Russian duplicity and insatiable greed with respect to Caucasia.  The Russian Ambassador in Istanbul had demanded the Ottoman Foreign Ministry to prevent the Poles to go Caucasia on the ground that they were agent-provocateurs engaged in disrupting the peace.  In fact it was the Russian side that had been seeking ways and means to subvert peace in Caucasia, immediately after ceasation of hostilities in other  fronts. 

            At that very juncture Hacı Ismail had come to Istanbul to inform the Ottoman authorities that the Russian forces were about to start an offensive in Caucasia. 

            Lapinski, therefore, had to hurriedly set out for Caucasia on board of a British steamer placed at his service, lest he should encounter any serious impediment. 

            By now things were very clear to him.  He understood the reason for Muhammed Emin’s apathy towards him.

            The Ubih leader had misgivings about Lapinski and his companions. For they had been branded by the informers of Muhammed Emin as a group of self-seeking adventurers, who had come to Caucasia when the war was over.  Muhammed Emin’s suspicion was reinforced as the group settled down at the headquarters of Sefer Paşa.

            Lapinski, however, soon managed to dispel Muhammed Emin’s suspicion. 

            According to the terms of the Paris Peace Treaty, neither the Czarist Russia nor the Ottoman Turkey were allowed to set up shipyards and military installations on the shores of the Black Sea.  The Czarist Government had already gotten into work in flagrant violation the terms of the treaty. 

            The Russians had begun landing troops and supplies at the Gelincik Harbor to rebuild their garrison there. 

            The Polish general immediately intervened, and forced the Russian troops to withdraw. 

            Having been informed about an impending Russian assault against the Adegum region, he rushed to the north. 

            The Russians had in fact made a large troop concentration at the point where the Adegum stream poured into the River  Kuban. On an island at the mouth of the  river they had built a military base, connected to either bank by means of bridges. 

            The bridges were of prime importance. For it these bridges through which they planned to overcome their main handicap in transporting heavy equipment across Kuban. So the bridges provided the enemy with a superb advantage. 

            Sefer Paşa had been highly disturbed over the development.  He had sent out urgent errands to all directions seeking help. 

            By the time Lapinski returned from Gelincik to Sefer Paşa’s H.Q. there had gathered at Adegum more than ten thousand strong fighters, mostly cavalry.

            The War Council was formed on April 18.  There was  unanimity of opinion in launching a surprise preemptive strike on the enemy.  In event of further delay, the enemy could have attained a firm foothold in the area, so vital in checking the Russian penetration to the south of the River Kuban. 

            Operational plans were charted out in the meantime.  The attack was to be a three-pronged one under the command of General Lapinski; Sefer Paşa’s son Karabatır, and the Kurdish Price Faris being his deputy commanders. 

            Assignment of General Lapinski as the Commanding Officer had been proposed by the Caucasian leaders.  Sefer Paşa had hoped that the job would be given to his own son.  The decision, therefore, disappointed the father and son both.  They didn’t like it. 

            When attack commenced, Karabatır, was aloof;  didn’t move his troops, apparently on  the ground that it was too early.  He meant to see Lapinski routed, thereby to place him in an embarrassing position.

            On the contrary, however, Lapinski triumphed.  The Russians were routed.  At one point Karabatır’s men, in defiance of his order, entered the engagement. 

            The Russian troops were pushed to the north of the River Kuban, and the bridges they had constructed, were demolished. 

            Muhammed Emin, having received the details of Lapinski’s feat, relieved himself of the misgivings about him.  He decided to cooperate with him. 

                                                             O0O

            On the eve of the Crimean War Hacı Ismail had been awarded with the title  of “Paşa” of  by the Ottoman Government.  At the end of the War he resumed his original profession.  He was in Istanbul in connection with his business. 

            Hacı Ismail’s father was a Laz, and his mother was a Circassian.  Being a merchant since his early youth, he had friends in Istanbul as well as in all other cities on the shore of the Black Sea. 

            Hacı Ismail had contacted Lapinski soon after his arrival in Istanbul; and had been instrumental in arranging his passage to Caucasia.  It had cost him dearly, though.  The Russian Ambassador in Istanbul had lodged a complaint with the Ottoman Government alleging that he had been organizing disruption of peace in Caucasia.  He was arrested; his property  were confiscated and himself was sent on exile to an isolated place in Anatolia. 

            Hacı Ismail wouldn’t so conveniently yield.  He escaped from captivity, stealthily came to the port twon of Tranbzon, and with the help of his friends there he made his way to the Caucasian coast. 

            Henceforth Hacı Ismail, in collaboration with Hacı Yahya and Lapinski, was involved in establishing a viable order in the coastal region, despite of Zanıko Sefer and his son Karabatır.

            Hacı Yahya was from Dağıstan.  He had come to the west during the Crimean War, and taken part in several battles. He was a wise person with the knowledge of the importance of the area in terms of the defense of the entire Caucasia.  He was a young hero. 

            The trio persuaded Sefer Paşa to hold a Congress.  A “Committee of Thametes”³ , composed of  heads of prominent families, was elected. 
            It was to function as a standing body representing the Congress.  The Committee of Thametes was concurrently authorized to act as the Supreme Court of Justice. 

            The Committee of Thametes soon issued a series of legislative decrees, which stipulated taxation of every household,  compulsory military service for every male within the range of a certain age group, and customs duty on all imports and exports.  One of the Decrees prohibited granting shelter to any fugitive from the Russian occupied sector, without the prior knowledge of the Committee and Commander Lapinski.

            Lapinski’s identity as a Polish patriot had been discovered by the Russians, in the meantime. 

            There existed a considerable number of Poles serving in the Russian armed forces.  They had been dispatched to the Caucasian front against their will.  As the word about their compatriots fighting for the Adiğes reached them, the Poles in the Russian army began to defect. 

            Within one month more than seven-hundred polish deserters, men and officers, crossed the River Kuban to take shelter with the Adiğes.  A special unit composed of the Polish deserters was thus formed at Lapinski’s headquarters. 

            Lapinski gathered a valuable store of intelligence from the Russian and Polish deserters. 

            According to the intelligence, the Russians had made a significant troop concentration in the Hatkoy region.  They had been planning to recapture Anapa through both amphibious and land operations. 

            Lapinski once again considered a preemptive action advisable; received the approval of the Thametes and the other commanders on his plan; and  formed a fifteen-thousand strong strike force.

            Before mounting the attack, he demanded an absolute obedience. 

            It was in reference to Karabatır’s previous conduct at Adgum.  He feared lest he commit a similar folly in the present instance also.

            Nevertheless Karabatır wittingly subverted the operations once again.  He abstained performing his duty at the start of the operations.

            A successful surprise strike was carried out at the targeted Russian base.  The enemy was routed to the north.  Had Karabatır played his part in rounding up the routed enemy, the Russian force could have been totally wiped out.

            Meanwhile the Russian military command had thoroughly assessed Lapinski’s position.  So they began working on plans to break up the forces rallied around him. 

            The Russians resumed bombarding the Gelincik and Tesemez harbors..  There had been a considerable amount of commercial activities in the area.  The warehouses and housing facilities of the local traders and the Turkish merchants were destroyed. 

            Basti Osman heavily suffered due to the enemy bombardment. The Russian marine units landed at Bay of Tsemez, looted and destroyed his business office and warehouses. 

            The Russians attempted a similar  aggression in Kuban front.  They started a three pronged attack, with the immediate objective to recapture the points they had vacated earlier.  They advanced along the rivers Abın, the Küçük Kuban and Laba.  The enemy halted on the bank of River Shagoşe.  The combined forces of Muhammed Emin and the Sapsığ leaders stopped the enemy onslaught. 

            Muhammed Emin routed a twelve-thousand strong Russian army, which attempted to establish a bridgehead at the middle course of River Shagoşe. 

            The Russian command, though failed to gain a decisive victory at this front, did manage to break up the Adiğe forces, which had grown strong enough to mount counter offensive attacks.

            Meanwhile Lapinski, with a cavalry force under his command, had to rush to the Gelincik harbor, where a Russian marine force had just landed.

                                                             O0O

            With the return home of Zanıko Sefer Bey, bearing the title of “Paşa”, there had emerged two areas of influence in Adiğey. The celebrated Zanıko had his hegemony over the coastal region, while Muhammed Emin swayed over the Abzeh and Şapsığ regions.

            There existed no prescribed delineation of their respective areas of jurisdiction.  An attempt by Karabatır to collect tax in the Western Şapsığ caused a serious crisis.

              The Şapsığs refused to pay tax to Zanıko Sefer Paşa on the ground that they had their allegiance to Muhammed Emin. Karabatır decided to punish the defaulters in order to intimidate the Şapsığs.  He set to fire some of their villages and farms. 

             The farm of Hantokyiko Alibi, a Şapsığ leader aligned with the Naib,  had also been destroyed in the process.  The Şapsığ leader was highly incensed by the affair.  With a four-thousand strong cavalry force he marched to the west.  He intended to teach a lesson to Sefer Paşa and his son.

            Lapinski intervened, and with much difficulty he managed to avert a bloody confrontation.  Through his mediation a written reconciliation agreement was signed by the parties concerned.

            The boundries of each of the two governments were determined according to the latest situation. 

            The agreement confirmed that the Şapsığs were under jurisdiction of Muhammed Emin.  Hence they were not supposed to pay any taxes to Sefer Paşa. 

            Nevertheless the tension so developed between the two sides could not be defused. 

            Sefer Paşa continually complained about Muhammed Emin in his reports to the Sublime Porte, and presented him as “the only stumbling block on our way to success”.

            Muhammed Emin, on the other hand, advocated the stance he had been holding since the beginning:  Caucasia’s salvation depended on a unified command and government.  He had nearly accomplished it, when Zanıko Sefer  appeared on the scene, and spoiled it.

            The Naib was informed of the terms of the Paris Peace Treaty.  The surrender of Caucasia to the Russians  was an  unacceptable situation. 

            He, therefore, decided to visit Istanbul and seek there a decisive solution to the problem.  He wished to take up with the Ottoman monarch and the Government principally Sefer Paşa’s position and  the terms of the Paris Peace Treaty relevant to Caucasia.   He also wanted to find out the views of the Caliph of Islam with regard to the Muslim people of Caucasia, as to whether he seriously intended to support them.

            The latter item was the most important of all,  according to the Naib.  The forger two depended on the latter.  Should the Caliph really desire the welfare of his subject in Caucasia, he could resolve the Sefer Paşa problem; and could renounce the treaty provision relevant to Caucasia. 

            The Naib had little confidence in the Ottoman Government, who had installed Sefer Bey as the number one man in Caucasia. 

            He didn’t let his entourage include any of the local leaders or any one of prominence.  For he didn’t want to endanger their life.  He selected, as his companions during the journey, three of the young fighters  attending his personal service.

            Besides, he wished to undertake the journey as inconspicuously as possible to avoid unfriendly attention of Sefer Bey and the Russian military authorities. 

             He set out, having requested his friends in the Abzeh region to cover up his journey.  He came down to the coast of Abhazya, where he boarded a Turkish commercial vessel which took him to Trabzon.  Thence he safely arrived in Istanbul. 

            In Trabzon and Istanbul there were too many Russian spies, with eyes on the vessels navigating to and from Caucasia.  The  Naib was immediately spotted as he disembarked in Istanbul.  He was placed under surveillance.

            Muhammed Emin had stepped outside Caucasia for the first time.  He had no acquaintances among the statesmen in Istanbul either.  The Captain of the vessel which brought him to Istanbul, took him to  a coffeehouse at Tophane frequented by the Caucasians. 

            There lived a sizable number of Caucasians in Istanbul.  They belonged to various clans,  could speak well in both Turkish and Caucasian dialects, and were mostly merchants.  They maintained contact with the homeland, and some of them had acquaintance with Ottoman government officials of Caucasian origin.

            The Ottoman officials and public were familiar with the name of Muhammed Emin.  He was a legendary figure. 

            Fantastic stories were in circulation about him in Istanbul, and the common man considered him a unique hero. 

            Within a short time a halo of affection came in to being around him.  He was hosted by his compatriots in the best possible manner.  In the meantime he established contact with official quarters. 

            His Caucasian friends took him to the Ministry of External Affairs. 

            The Russian Ambassador had already made his representations there. He had personally alleged him as a warmonger, and requested his immediate arrest. 

            That was how the Prime Minister and his Cabinet had come to know of Muhammed Emin’s presence in Istanbul.  They anticipated the Naib to visit them.  They would listen to him, and then would consider how to deal with him.  The Sublime Porte was in a serious dilemma about him.

            The Russian Ambassador wan not the only one to complain about Muhammed Emin.  Zanıko Sefer Paşa too had been reporting against him over several years. 

            A few of the Cabinet Ministers were sympathetic towards the Naib. They favored granting a chance to the young leader on the premise that Sefer Paşa had grown too old to maintain unity in Caucasia. 

            Notwithstanding the difference of opinion as such among the Cabinet Ministers;  all of them had been curious about him.  They wanted to see and to know him at close range.

            Muhammed Emin was charge of by the Ministry of War, so to say, as a VIP guest.   He was placed in a luxurious villa, isolated from his friends.

            He remained under observation for about one week.  He did estimate that there was something wrong in the situation.  Nevertheless he had not option but to wait and see. 

            He was perfectly taken care of.  On and off a senior officer would visit him to inquire if he was in good shape, and if there was any service to be rendered.

            Finally the day he had been awaiting arrived.  He was taken to the Sublime Porte. 

            The Cabinet, presided by the Prime Minister, was in session to receive him. 

            Muhammed Emin believed in the sanctity of the institution of Caliphate.  So he had been trained.  His spiritual being had been nourished in the same vein.  As he entered the meeting room, he trembled out of excitement, hoping he would be granted the sublime audience of the Caliph. 

            As everyone around the oblong table, covered with crimson felt-cloth, stood up to receive him, he realized that the Sultan was not there. 

            Nevertheless he was highly impressed.  He had never seen such a glaring scene.  In the person of the members of the Royal Cabinet, in colorful uniforms, he witnessed for the first time the grandeur of the Ottoman Empire. 

            Muhammed Emin had been tempered under the strictly dogmatic discipline of Imam Şamil.  He possessed a strong willpower.  What had excited him was not the material grandeur.  It was the spiritual force enshrined in what were physically presented that shook his heart. 

            Reşit Paşa cheerfully moved towards Muhammed Emin with opened arms, said “Welcome!”, embraced him, and   acclaimed,

            -  I congratulate you for the sacred struggle you have been so courageously carrying on.  May God bless you and others engaged in the holy-war!

            Hasan Efendi, an Adiğe interpreter employed at the Sublime Porte, promptly interpreted the Prime Minister. 

            The Naib momentarily forget all the woes he had suffered.  He smiled as he shyly responded, “May God Bless you!”

            Reşit Paşa, holding Muhammed Emin’s arm, led him to the upper end of the table, pointing  at the Ministers he said, “We have gathered to meet and talk with you.”

            The Naib gazed at the Ministers surrounding the table one by one, at times moving his head in an expression of reverence.

            The Prime Minister politely asked Muhammed Emin to take a seat to his right side. 

            When everyone was seated, Hasan Efendi sat on a chair immediately behind the Paşa and the Naib. 

            The moment he raised his head, he found all eyes focused on him.  He lightly shivered with excitement. 

            Prime Minister Reşit Paşa was a statesman ripe with wisdom and experience.  He was well versed how to make best use of the time and opportunity.  Having exchanged a couple of courtly words, he came to the point.

            -  The Caucasians are our allies and brothers.  We wholeheartedly support their sacred struggle.  As you are aware, we are doing our best in this regard. 

            Reşit Paşa paused for a moment, and continued with a changed tone,

            -  Nevertheless not enough credibility was lent to Sefer Paşa, whom we had assigned as the Governor General of Caucasia.  We could not fully understand the reason thereof.  We were extremely sorry to notice  the edict of the Caliph of Islam not being honored as it ought to have been.  Could there be any reason to it that might have escaped our attention?

            The Prime Minister slightly turned to his right to look at Muhammed Emin, as he spoke.

            The Naib by nature was a highly sedate person.  He had already overcome the excitement he had experienced while entering the Cabinet Room.  There was no noticeable change on his face while Hasan Efendi rendered the Prime Ministers words into Adiğe. 

            Hasan Efendi belonged to a Caucasian family who had settled down in Istanbul.  At the district where he lived there were several other Caucasian families.  The Adiğe language was in use in daily conversation both within his family and among the residents of the district.  That was how he could maintain proficiency in his mother language. His interpretation, therefore, was flawless and accurate.

            “We hold His Majesty the  Caliph and Ottoman State at the highest esteem” was the lead-in sentence of Muhammed Emin’s response Reşat Paşa.

            His voice was impressive.  He was at the age of forty-two; but looked much older.  His thick eyebrows and short trimmed beard matched.

            He was wearing a white shirt with buttons closer towards the collar. Over it he had a black Çerkeska⁴  made of  an indigenous cloth.  His trousers were of the same material.  His hat was a bit depressed.

            He had a tight belt across his waist, which suggested as having been deliberately tightened to show off his slim body. Just over his belly he had an Adiğe dagger hanging from the belt. He had a tall and muscular body.  His physique and attire both presented him as a typical Caucasian.  He was healthy and astute. 

            Muhammed Emin received the Prime Minister’s reference to Sefer Paşa as normal, though he did not expect it would come forth so soon.  It was suggestive of a prejudice.  It was therefore useless to try to correct him or to accuse Zanıko Sefer more than essential, Muhammed Emin calculated. 

            “So far as Sefer Paşa is concerned...”, Muhammed Emin paused, gazed at the Prime Minister and the members of his Cabinet, and continued,

            -   Our community is governed by its traditions.  As a rule, our Thametes⁵  retire from active life at a certain age.  Thenceforth they guide the people with their advice.  That had been what we expected of Zanıko Sefer Bey.  He acted otherwise.  He spoiled our unity. 

            He paused briefly, took a deep breath, and continued,

            -  Notwithstanding that,  we honor the Paşa, our Governor General, designated by Imperial Edict. 

            Reşit Paşa did not dwell further on Sefer Bey.  He changed the topic. 

            -  Something important must have prompted your visit to Istanbul.  Is there anything that you might want us to do?

            Muhammed Emin had been looking forward to this question.   He described the current situation in western  Caucasia. He tried to explain how the Russians had been violating the terms of the Paris Peace Treaty.  He narrated, case by case, the examples of such violations. 

            “What we regret most ....”, Muhammed Emin continued, his eyes fixed on the Prime Minister, “ is the fact that the Ottoman Delegation at the Paris Peace Conference have conceded that Caucasia belonged to the Russians; and that the Caliph of Islam, His Majesty the Sultan,  have endorsed it”.

            Muhammed Emin continued after a short pause,

            -  Our people have been  fighting against the Russians for the last fifty years; and have not yet yielded.  Why after all such a decision was arrived at without our concent?  How would you justify it? 

            Reşit Paşa had served as Ambassador of the Ottoman Empire in many of the major European capitals.  He had assumed the Office of Prime Minister five times before.  He has been in active politics for the last thirty years.  He was ripe with tolerance and sagacity.

            The Paşa smiled, cast an appreciative look at the Naib.  He said by himself: “The grown up highlander would have said the same things even if he were in the audience of His Majesty Sultan Abdul Mecid.”

            The Prime Minister replied, 

            -  We haven’t surrendered Caucasia to the Russians.  The statement of our chief delegate Ali Paşa on the subject was quiet clear.  Being incapable of defending you, we simply withdrew from the scene.  We too are sorry on that account. 

            The Prime Minister complimented the Caucasian in the person  of Muhammed Emin.  He praised the struggle they sustained against Russia, a world power.  He underlined that the Ottoman Government had to play a low profile role in the Caucasian context due to diplomatic exigency; and assured him that his Government would definitely be supporting the Caucasian struggle. The Prime Minister concluded,

            - We want you to be our guest for some time.  It is also the wish of His Majesty to end the power struggle in Caucasia, and to let Sefer Paşa have a chance.

            Muhammed Emin grasped what the Prime Minister meant by his last word.  The mentality, which once had condemned Zanıko Sefer Bey to captivity, this time was going to condemn him to the same fate.  To compel one to involuntary residence as a state guest could not be otherwise explained. 

            The next day he was taken to the War Ministry, where he was informed that henceforth he would be indefinitely staying in Damascus, Syria.  He was to live at a nice villa, and receive a monthly subsistence allowance of fifteen-hundred Kuruş.

            A dignified preoccupation was devised to keep him happy.  He was to serve as an advisor to the Governor General of Syria in charge of pacification of the long-standing conflict between the Druzians and the Maronites.

            Pursuant to his request Muhammed Emin was allowed to keep his aides with him.  Within a week, escorted by a squad of troops and accompanied by his own aides,  he set out for Syria. 

            He was obliged to affect resigned to his fate.  Defiance was of no use.  He strictly instructed his aides not to commit any act that could be construed as disobedience or lack of discipline. 

            All along  the way he pondered as to where and how he had erred. He had come to Istanbul to solicit support.  Instead of being helped, he was arrested.  He could not find a rattail explanation for the happening. 

            He was tortured not by physical exhaustion, but by the psychological torment that had overwhelmed him.  Nevertheless he retained his willpower.  He observed with a receptive mind every person, object, and  place, which he sighted newly. 

            Spiritually he contended  to be so free that he could not believe he was actually a captive.  He found himself in an incredible situation. 

            He was to be justified to thinks so.  Ironically; while at home there were hundreds of thousands prepared to sacrifice their life for his sake, he was condemned to forced residence in a desert country.  A pitiful condition had befallen on him. 

            “To avoid a mishap in transit” they had put him on a covered cart.  To his left sat a young officer.  The escort soldiers, mounted on well groomed and beautiful horses, orderly following the esteemed guest on the cart. 

            The Naib’s three servants drove in front of the cart.  Though a little harassed, over all, they drove on in step with the rest of the caravan. 

            An attempt to escape before reaching the destination did occur to Muhammed Emin more than once.  The young officer and the escorts, exhausted by day long horse ride, would go into  deep sleep soon after they camped at night.  It was not difficult to elude the sentry. For the Naib and his servants were experienced in handling hazardous situations. 

            Though an injustice had been done  to him, nevertheless he was treated with due respect.  There was no point to cause any problem to the escort squad.  So he dismissed the idea of escape en-route.  He decided to see the destination. 

            The caravan moved fast.  After  a fortnight the oasis town of Damascus came in sight.  The date plantations surrounding the fort and the town presented a green island in the middle of a vast desert. 

            The house allocated for the Naib’s residence was a double storied beautiful building inside a garden, near the garrison. 

            Within a few days Muhammed Emin familiarized himself with the  details of the kind of life he was supposed to lead in Damascus.  The functionaries and servants at the residence were presented to him.  He gathered that he would be kept under close surveillance. 

            On the second day of his arrival in Damascus he was visited by the Governor General.

            The intellectuals in the Ottoman Empire were familiar with the “legend of Imam Şamil”.  The fact that Muhammed Emin was the deputy of the Imam, enhanced their interest in him. 

            The leading residents of Damascus, either called on him or invited him to their house.

            The Governor General had already taken all necessary security measures.  The entertainments arranged in honor of the Naib were subject to certain protocol. Invariably either the Governor General or his Aid de Camp accompanied him at the parties. 

            The Naib was determined to escape; but he wanted to build confidence first. 

            While at the residence, he would dress in a long native robe, and comfortably sit on the divan, with a string of ninety-nine prayer-beads in his hand. 

            Hardly one month had passed since his arrival in Damascus, when he fully reconnoitered the all aspects of the villa,  the garden, and the inlets and outlets. 

            One day, while strolling in the garden, he came across one of his Caucasian aids.  He told him, “Be ready; we are going to escape tonight.”

            Never in life he had committed a regrettable blunder.  He had cool heatedly managed any exigencies he confronted. 

            On that particular night too he acted in self-assurance.

            Late that evening, when all around was quiet, he dressed up without any rush, went out to the lawn, and proceeded towards the stable, affecting he was out for a stroll. 

            His aids were waiting for him at the stable, ready with horses saddled and groomed. 

            For two months now he had no occasion to mount a horse.  Nevertheless the moment he placed his left foot on the stirrup, he was on the saddle.  He sharply spurred the animal, as he commanded his men in a muffled voice, “Let us go!” 

            There stood two sentries at the outer gate.  Alarmed by the noise of  the horses; the soldiers leaped forward, gripping their rifles. 

            It was a full-moon night.  Under the dim moonlight everything was clearly visible. 

            The Naib had studied Arabic in Dagistan.  Beside; by then he had gained a smattering of the Turkish language. 

            He was holding a leather whip in his right hand.  Pointing with it towards the gate, he shouted, “Vali Paşa! Vali Paşa!”⁶ , and affected being on an emergency flight concerning the Governor General.

            The two sentries gazed at each other and then opened the gate.  The Naib, followed by his aides, rushed out, and galloped into the date plantation, and thence out of reach. 

            They drove fast till dawn, without  a stop, to the north. 

            On the second day, the Naib’s horse collapsed, never to recover.  The other hoses too had been exhausted. 

            They stopped over at a village they came by.  The people spoke in Arabic. 

            Muhammed Emin managed to communicate with the villagers.  They stayed there overnight and purchased two gorses after a hard bargaining, and in consultation with the villagers, determined which direction to follow. 

            It was the first time the Arabs sighted men in Caucasian attire.  They examined the costumes and inquired who the travelers were. 

            The villagers had never heard the word “Adiğe”.  But when Muhammed Emin told them that it was same as “Çerkes⁷ ”, they smiled, suggesting that they were familiar with it. 

            The Naib had spent a small fraction of the five-thousand Kuruş paid to him in Istanbul for his travel expense.  In addition he had some gold in the purse.  That was all what they possessed to meet the expenses of their travel back to home. 

            They continuously moved to the north.  In the meantime they changed the horses twice. 

            After passing Erzincan, they found the terrain very difficult to move through. They cross the mountains, treading over the narrow and precipitous trails.  On the tenth day they reached Trabzon. 

            The rest of the journey was easy.  They hired a light sail boat for onward journey, and after two days they landed at Vaye.

            The Naib’s fame had spread all over Caucasia.  The Abhazians accorded him a very warm welcome.  They hosted him overnight, and presented Muhammed Emin and his three entourage with the best horses at their disposal. 

            Muhammed Emin didn’t disclose his exile to Damascus.  He had warned his aids right at the beginning to keep the episode strictly to themselves. 

            At the Ubih shore the party halted for two days, except one of the aides, who proceeded non-stop to the Abzeh region. 

            The Naib confided the Syrian episode for the first time to  Brakoko Ismail, and concluded that the Ottoman authorities considered Caucasia as a lost case. He summed up, 

            -  The Paşas in fancyful outfit were incredible people.  They cheered me up with promises of support, and then banished me into the desert! 

            In the meantime the word about Naib’s return spread fast in the area. 

            The Naib’s entourage exceeded one-hundred fighters by the time he left Ubih. 

            The Abzeh region had stirred up in the meantime.  Hacı Tlamin’s son Daruk, accompanied by Meretyiko Alimet and Gujyiko Beçmız, together with a group of fighters set out to receive the Naib.

            The two groups met at a mountain pass.  The reception party  jubilated over the return of the Naib by firing into the air. 

            As they covered distance, the number of enthusiasts accompanying the Naib multiplied by thousands.  By the time he arrived at the village of Anapsifhabl, the administrative center of Abzeh region, the enthusiasts exceeded ten-thousand. 

            The “welcome home” offered to the celebrated leader was so warm and spontaneous that he forgot all about his bodily fatigue. 

            Muhammed Emin was back home in good shape. The situation in Adiğey, however, was worse than a few months before.  The state of unity had deteriorated beyond repair.

            The Naib had become aware of the situation as soon as he set foot on the Caucasian shore.  The manner in which Brakoko Ismail, the Ubih leader, spoke of the other leaders was indicative of the situation.  Haci Grandük’s approach was likewise.

            The two, though apparently in alliance, in effect each had organized a clique, avowed to destroy the other.

            The Şapsığ region was all the more in chaos.  Each valley was on its own.

            In all the regions, trading with the Ottoman territories had become a hazardous proposition.  There existed no security of life and property in the  Black Sea navigation.  The self-centered individuals attempted to bargain with the Russians, who pressed for monopoly in commerce, and sought isolation of those who sustained resistance; in exchange of preferential treatment.

            The ones who were after underhand dealings with the Russians  mainly came from the Abhaz and Ubih aristocrats. 

            The Russian military authorities demanded definite guarantees.  General Milyutin had sent them a text containing the preconditions for such an understanding. 

            The Russian general, among other things, demanded “pacifists” to severe all relations with the Ubihs and other “recalcitrant” tribes. They were supposed to associate and engage in trade with the Russians only. 

            It meant an outright capitulation, unconditional surrender. 

            Whatever the disposition of the leaders may be, the common man was not prepared to renounce his freedom and independence.  They despised presence of any Russian vessel at the Ubih shores.  At the Adegum  region the situation was all the more complex.  Relations between Sefer Paşa and the Polish patriot Theodore Lapinski were at the point of severance. 

            More significantly, Sefer Paşa and his son Karabatır were in disagreement.

            Karabatır was an ignorant person.  He was good neither in politics nor in military affairs.  The arrogant person unnecessarily muddled in affairs not of his concern, and had been in constant friction with the Poles and other leading individuals. 

            Zanıko Sefer’s son-in-law, Bastiko Ahmet, was no better than Karabatır.  The two young men were guided by their impulse rather than reason.

            The two incorrigible trouble makers and their gang, being taken to task by Zanıko Sefer Paşa, deserted the Governor General’s Headquarters; and together with their wives and children, took residence in Tsemez 

            Bastiko Osman was instantly happy to see his brother and Karabatır  at his place.  For recently the Russian fleet had increased harassment activities.  Subsequent to a few abortive landing attempts, they appeared waiting for an opportune moment to start all out landing operations at Gelincik and Tsemez.

            The situation in the Sapsığ region was literally chaotic.  Each valley was dominated by a leader.  The ones who had once pledged loyalty to Muhammed Emin, had retracted.

            The Russian left flank command in Caucasia was aware of the confused state of affairs in Adiğey, and had developed their strategy accordingly.  They resorted to devious means to subvert solidarity and morale of the people. 

            1857-1858 was a ruinous period, fraught with bloodshed, fire and epidemic. 

            The Russian navy had been ordered to over run the Black Sea coastal area of Caucasia.  The Russian land forces too had been relentlessly engaged in dispositions in search of vulnerable point, disregarding climatic conditions. 

            In the Adegum region and in the basin of  the rivers Shagoşe and Laba hundreds of Adiğe villages and farms had been set on fire and destroyed by the Russians.  The women and children captured were deported; and the domestic animals, the mainstay of their livelihood, were usurped. 

            The end was fast approaching.  Everyone, particularly those in the position of leadership, were aware of the situation.  Bu yet no one was prepared to override his pride to unite and remedy it. 

                                                                O0O 

            The situation had been no better in the east.  The people’s will to fight diminished as  the enemy encirclement closed in upon them. 

            Imam Şamil had suspended the Council of Naibs.  No one else other than his own sons and a few of his loyal followers was left in is company.  He sought a new bastion to sustain the struggle. 

            Instantly the west seemed to him as a more secure place for the purpose.  He therefore contemplated to move on to Adiğey.  He wrote to his loyal Naib, Muhammed Emin seeking his comment.

            Imam Şamil’s message was delivered to Muhammed Emin at the beginning of July 1859. 

            The Naib painfully smiled as he read the letter from his master, his source of inspiration.  He murmured by himself “I wish I could tell him ‘come along’!”

            He had been endeavoring for the last twelve years for a durable order and unity in Adiğey. Alas! All his efforts had gone in vain. 

            Muhammed Emin, in utter distress wrote the following bitter fact in response to the Imam’s letter:

            “  The Adiğes, nominally Muslims, are not adequately conscious of the faith.  It is their pride, not the faith that they are guided by.  In the event you come here, you might be disappointed, and disillusioned.”

            That was the essence of Muhammed Emin’s reply message. 

            The Naib  was not alone in being disappointed.  Lapiski also had sensed the end approaching. 

            Bangi the Hungarian and Faris the Kurdish Prince had forsaken the resistance much earlier. 

            Lapinski had treaded the same path as Muhammed Emin in the effort to achieve unity, and organize a regular armed force under a unified command.  He had found it difficult to achieve these in a land without educational institutions and a revenue system.

            Lapinski, the polish ex-soldier whom the Adiğes called “Tevfik Bey”, left Caucasia in December of 1859.  When he boarded the vessel for Istanbul he was accompanied by only five of his men.  He was helpless and  extremely distressed.

            The famous Polish patriot had envisioned a parallel in the destiny of Poland and Caucasia.  He hoped that liberation of Caucasia would contribute to the salvation of Poland.  He had built all his future  plans on the basis of the same premise. 

            Zanıko Sefer Paşa died at his farm at the Vestagoy Valley about one month after Lapinsky’s departure. The life of  the celebrated leader had been  full of contradictions.

            Young Zanıko Sefer had been educated at the Russian military school in Taman, and served in the Russian army.  Having been disenchanted due to Russian preparations for the conquest of Caucasia, Zanıko Sefer returned home and initiated a serious resistance.

            Subsequently he visited Istanbul, presiding over a delegation of Caucasian nationalists. The Ottoman Government arrested   and exiled him to Thrace on behest of the Russian Ambassador.  For nearly two decades he was subjected to compulsory residence in the neighborhood of Edirne. 

            He returned to Caucasia on the eve of the Crimean War.  By then he was a old man.  Due to his inconsistent manners, his presence proved counterproductive to Caucasian resistance.

            Ironically his life ended when the Russians finally captured Anapa, at a distance of only one day’s horse ride from his farm; and the Adegum regions, including the Vestagoy Valley, was engaged in a life and death struggle.

                                                              O0O

            Muhammed Emin was a consistent and  self-possessed leader.  Nevertheless his popularity too began to be eroded.

            His gradual eclipse may be attributed to the following reasons:

            The Naib had embarked upon building the state he had envisioned on the basis of Islamic doctrines.  The people, however, were not ready to appreciate it. For Islamic institutions had not yet found their way into the Caucasian communities.  There were few men conversant with the fundamental principles of Islam.  Such institutions as mosques and madrases,  instruments of public education, had not yet adequately developed in the area. 

            Most importantly; the established order had been disrupted, and the life style, shaped by the radiation, was shaken. 

            The contemporary younger generation was born, brought up, and tempered amidst blood and fire in the course of the five decades long war.  “Labor” and “production” were terms they were ignorant of.  In many regions very few people were engaged in farming and animal husbandry. 

            At each harvest season the Cossack bands and Russian troops would raid the Adiğe villages, set on fire the ripe yields on the field, and drive away the domestic animals they could lay hand upon. 

            The Adiğes countered the Russian accesses in the same manner.  They also would attack the Russian settlements and looted their belongings. 

            The vicious circle of attacks and counter attacks escalated to involve wholesale murder and capturing of women and children as booty to be sold into slavery. 

            The prisoners captured by the Adiğes were sold on the shores of the Black Sea.  The Russian, on the other hand, used to sell into slavery their Caucasian captives to the landlords in the north.

            The Russians possessed unlimited resources.  The could afford to continually reinforce their military cordon along the rivers Kuban and Terek.  The Russian government forced the Cossacks⁸  and the mujiks⁹  of the Don and Volga basins to migrate to colonize the territories captured by the Russian military, as a means of consolidating their control over the area. 

            The Adiğes were devoid of such means.  Their population was on decline. Several hundred villages and farms were lost every year. 

            The people were exhausted and demoralized.  They were at a loss to know whom to believe in, or whom to align with. 

            By the end of summer of 1859  the Circassians and Daghistanis capitulated; and Imam Şamil surrendered.

            When the word of it reached Muhammed Emin, he was highly distressed.  Now it was the turn of western Caucasia, he concluded.  He considered that seeking an honorable peace was a batter alternative to being wiped out altogether.

            He issued a circular inviting all the local leaders to meet to discuss the question of making peace with the Russians. 

            Resistance at the Adegum region had collapsed. Hence the Ubihs and the Şapsığs did not respond his call.  Only the leaders of the Abzeh region complied with his invitation. 

            The Naib let it be known that the Russians possessed unlimited war resources.  He reminded his audience of the instance of the last Crimean War when Russia, though defeated by the most powerful world powers of the time; rebuilt her power within a couple of years. 

            He concluded his long speech in the following message:

            -  Hundreds of our villages have been burnt and destroyed, the population was displaced. Our women were widowed and their children orphaned in thousands after every confrontation with the enemy.  Let us make peace lest we meet a more tragic end. Let us think over it seriously!  Let us not endanger our existence and dignity for the sake of our pride. 

            Some of the leaders protested the proposition, vehemently shouting out “No!”.  They said they had been free and independent since thousands of years, and would not tolerate to be enslaved by the Russians, “who  stink like a swine”. 

            Some of them advocated sending emissaries to Istanbul and Europe to elicit foreign support. 

            Muhammed Emin painfully smiled as he remarked ,  “How soon you forget the past experience!”  He went on,

            -  You should remember; I myself have been in Istanbul for the same purpose very recently.  What I got?  The servants of the Caliph banished me to the Arabian desert instead. 

            He paused, gazed the audience, and went on, 

            -  As for the European powers; only a few years ago the warships of Great Britain and France showed up at our shores.  What did they do?  Instead of providing us with support, they did the opposit.  They asked us to strike the Russians from the rear to ease their own burden.  But at the end of the war, they handed over Caucasia to the enemy on a platter at the Peace Conference.

            He shook his head, and added.

            -  No help is forthcoming to Caucasia from any quarters. 

            After a long deliberation  the leaders agreed to make peace. 

            It was the first week of December of 1859.  A Russians Army Corps marched along the river Shagoşe  and  established a forward base in the vicinity of Maykop.  To let it be known that they had no intention to go back, they constructed barracks there. 

            The Naib dispatched an errand to the Russian forward command to propose a meeting.  The Russian Commander agreed to meet Muhammed Emin at his own headquarters.  Accompanied by a few Abzeh leaders, Muhammed Emin set out for the rendezvous.  He was formally received  by the Commanding Officer with due military honor.  A presentation of arms was offered. 

            The Russian commander, who  was very happy over the peace proposition, told Muhammed Emin that himself was not authorized to handle it, and that he would be pleased to put him in touch with the Russian high command. 

            Muhammed Emin and his entourage, escorted by Russian guards, set out for Tiflis, then the seat of the Governor General and Commander-in-Chief. 

            The C-in-C warmly received Muhammed Emin.  He advised him to approach the Czar to achieve a durable peace, and offered him necessary facilities, including the cost of travel to St. Petersburg.

            On the proposal of Muhammed Emin it was agreed that the party would leave for St. Petersburg in fifteen days.  In the meantime Muhammed Emin returned to the Abzeh region to release a farewell message to his people. 

            Muhammed Emin planned not to return to Caucasia after negotiating peace with the Russian Monarch.  Therefore he drafted his message accordingly. 

            When he set out for St. Petersburg, he was accompanied only by the Abzeh Thametes.  The Şapsığs maintained their earlier uncooperative attitude. 

            The Russian military authorities in Taman provided Muhammed Emin’s delegation with the appropriate means of transportation and military escort. 

            In St. Petersburg the Caucasian delegation was received with a pompous ceremony.  The Naib was granted audience by the Czar. 

            Muhammed Emin meant to seek peace for all Caucasia, not for the Abzeh region alone.  He addressed the Czar and his generals and ministers, lined up on his flanks, in the same vein. 
            -  I am sure your majesty is aware that the Caucasians are a proud people devoted to their freedom. Ourselves, having underrated the  might of your majesty’s empire,  have been engaged in hostilities thus far.  Now we have understood certain realities.  We now understand that we could coexist  in peace with Russia.  It is with this request that we are here before your majesty today.

            He momentarily paused, painfully smiled while looking at the Czar.  He continued,

            -  At this very moment there are people at home who could not yet realize the bitter reality, and sustain resistance.  Please have compassion for those who manifest daringness due to ignorance.  Please allow them time; for sooner or later they necessarily would concede to make peace.

            Muhammed Emin told the Czar that he wanted to go into seclusion in Mecca, and solicited his help.

            Czar Alexander ordered his lieutenants in audience to do all that was needful. 

            The Peace Delegation as a whole returned to Taman, where Muhammed Emin was to depart for Istanbul.

            The Abzeh Thametes pleaded to change his mind.  “Stay with us, and we shall hold you in high esteem for the rest of your life time!” , they entreated.  Muhammed Emin insisted that it would be better for him to get away.  After a few days the Russian authorities in Taman harbor helped Muhammed Emin board the  ship that would take him to Istanbul. 

            Parting of the Naib  and the Abzeh Thametes presented a pathetic scene.  They could not help crying. 

            The celebrated leader bid farewell to his colleagues in a sorrowful voice in these words: 

            -You believed me.  You followed me for years.  I shall remember you for ever.  Please convey my greetings and good wishes to the Abzeh people.  Please absolve me of any unrightful deeds I might have committed unto you!

¹February 1856
²  Renamed as Vardan
³Council of Elders
⁴A kind of  long jacket, down to ones knees.
⁵The Venerated Elders.
⁶Governor General!  Governor General!”
⁷“Circassian”
⁸Any of a number of  self-governing communities of varied ethnic affiliation that developed on the southern and eastern frontiers of the Muscovite state and Poland-Lithuania after year 1400.  All were eventually incorporated into
Czarist Russia.  The term is also used to denote a military unit drafted from any of these communities.  It should not be confused with the Kazaks or Khazaks of Turki  ethnicity in  Kazakhistan and the Central Asia..
⁹  Russian peasants without land of their own to cultivate; serfs.