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PART FOUR With the emergence of nationalism in the Balkans early in the 19th century, the Roman, Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian subjects of the Ottoman Empire revolted to secede from the empire. The insurrections generally enjoyed the support of the European big powers, Russia in particular. The object was to expunge the Ottoman Empire out of Europe. Russian incursions against the Ottoman Empire began in 1850s, on the pretext of protecting the Orthodox Christian subjects of the empire, and to seize the control of the Holy Land, Jerusalem and its neighborhood, then part of the same empire. Finally the Czar of Russia, considering that the time was ripe to act, dispatched Admiral Prince Menchikov as his Ambassador Plenipotentiary to Istanbul. Then he was concurrently the Minister of Russian Naval Forces and Governor General of Finland. Admiral Menchikov disembarked at the Tophane Harbor, Istanbul on February 28, 1853. On the next day he tendered an ultimatum to the Ottoman Government, repeating the earlier claims of the Czar of Russia and his Government. The Ottoman Cabinet meeting presided by the Sultan, following due deliberations, rejected Menchikov’s demands. Out of concern not to escalate tension, the Ottoman side let it be known that they were prepared to negotiate. The Ottoman proposal for negotiations was left unanswered. The Ottoman Government severed diplomatic relations with Russia on May 18, 1853, declaring that Russian interference in the internal affairs of their Sovereign State was unacceptable. Hence forward both sides began preparations for an impending war between them. In July the same year, without a formal declaration of war, Russia seized the Ottoman Provinces of Eflak and Boğdan 1. To avert a general confrontation, the Ottoman Government requested the Governments of Great Britain and France to mediate. The British and French mediation was of no avail. Russia refused to withdraw from the territories she had occupied, left the diplomatic notes unanswered, maintained a policy of bellicosity; indicating that she was determined to implement her designs at any cost. Sultan Abdulmecid was the Ottoman monarch of the time, and his Prime Minister or Sadriazam was Mustafa Reşit Paşa. M. Reşit Paşa was an experienced statesman of vision. He had been in Europe, and was an expert in foreign affairs. He had some good friends among the British and French statesmen. Reşit Paşa tried all means at his disposal to avert a war but failed. He, however, managed to persuade the British and French foreign ministries to justify the position adopted by the Ottoman Government. He wooed them to side with his Government. The Ottoman Council of Ministers, in the presence of the Sultan, decided to declare war on Russia on September 28, 1853. The decision was notified to the Russian Embassy in Istanbul on the same day. The frontier military units were accordingly instructed. Britain and France kept up their respective efforts to stop the war. Russia, however, was determined to avail the opportunity that she believed must not be missed. She hoped that she would gain territory in the Balkans and the Caucasus, where she estimated the Ottoman Government had lost influence. Hence she adamantly refused to give in to any proposal made. Russia perceived that Britain and France would not intervene in the war, and would restrict there concern to diplomatic overtures only. That explained her bellicosity. Great Britain and France finally decreed war on Russia five months later, and severed all diplomatic and commercial relations with Russia. The Kingdom of Sardinia also entered the war on the side of the allied powers- The Ottoman Empire, Great Britain and France. For economic and logistic considerations, the Kingdom did not practically involve in the hostilities immediately The Ottoman and Russian forces in the Balkans and Caucasia had already started fighting. British and French moved in their navies only; for the front lines on land were at too far a distance to send land forces there. The warships of the allied powers entered the Black Sea, bombarded the Russians ports of Odessa and Sevestopol, and landed troops at the Crimean Peninsula. The Kingdom of Sardinia contributed in the war with a fifteen-thousand strong military contingent, which arrived in Crimea towards the end of hostilities there. The Sardinians performed as the rear-guard force both on land and at sea. The Black Sea Operations was conducted under the joint command of the British Field Marshall Lord Roglamin. The Marshall fell ill and died during the early days of the operations. He was replaced by General Simpson.
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The Ottoman Government, in the meantime, took every possible measurers to enhance their military capabilities. Communiqué, bearing the Sultan’s seal, were dispatched to the Georgian Princes and the Khans of Azerabaijan, and to Imam Şamil. Muhammed Emin was not ignored either. Zanıko Sefer was treated as the regular member of the Ottoman Imperial Service. The Ottoman Imperial Edict declared that Jihad, that is the Holy War, had been declared against the “Muscovite infidels”. Every “faithful”, capable of holding a weapon, was commanded to join the war. Each of the communications was addressed to the individual concerned, hence it had been drafted one by one, mindful of individual situations and peculiarities. Care had been taken for the delivery of the Edicts by means of special couriers. Britain and France also having entered the war, Russia reckoned that her position in the Black Sea was in jeopardy; for it was but obvious to the Russians that the two big powers would exercise their naval superiority. Therefore, the Russians vacated all her fortresses and strongholds on the Caucasian coasts, except those at Gelincik and Anapa. Not long afterwards they withdrew their garrisons there also to the north of the River Kuban. The Russian High Command had concentrated their elite force on the Crimean Peninsula. In the southern front, at Kars, they had a strong troop concentration that outnumbered their adversary. They also had reinforced their fortresses to the north of the rivers Kuban and Terek, to ward off possible attack by the forces of Imam Şamil and Muhammed Emin. At the Caucasian fronts Russia maintained a total of one-hundred-and-fifty-thousand strong force, including Russians, Cossacks and other nationalities, of which the regulars exceeded sixty-thousand. In addition they had a thirty-thousand strong cavalry reserve force.
The Ottoman General Staff having reconnoitered the Russian military dispositions,
including their withdrawal from the Caucasian coastal strip, an Ottoman
marine force commanded by Mustafa Paşa landed at the neighborhood of Anapa.
As the War Council Meeting progressed, the existing division amongst the leaders immediately showed up. When Sefer Bey accused Muhammed Emin of disaffection, the climate of the meeting was spoiled, those favorably disposed to the Naib walked out in protest. The Russians, though hard pressed by the Allied Navy, were in a better position at the Strait of Kerç. They had a sizable reserve land forces to support an engagement in the Taman Region. The Russian militia to the north of Kuban and Terek had been alerted. Mustafa Paşa was alarmed at the size of the enemy force opposing him. He informed his High Command in Istanbul of the lack of unity in northern Caucasia, and the superior position of the enemy. He recommended that he be allowed to withdraw to the south for the sake of the security of his troops. The Ottoman General Staff, having assessed presence of a serious threat, permitted Mustafa Paşa to withdraw to Batum. It was the result of a gross miscalculation of the situation in the area on the part of Mustafa Paşa; for there was enough local force to support him in the event of an engagement. He had magnified too much the rift between Sefer Bey and Muhammed Emin. Sefer Bey was not at all happy over the arrival of Mustafa Paşa. For the former’s presence was bound to overshadow his position as the Governor General and Commander-in-Chief. So the personal quarrel between Sefer Bey and Muhammed Emin condemned to failure the Ottoman Land Operations in Trans-Caucasus, without any serious engagement with the enemy. O0O General Simpson, the Commander of the British Forces in the Caucasian Front, had been thoroughly briefed and documented before sailing off to the theater of war. He had with him, as a consultant, Mr. James Longworth, who had once been in Caucasia. Longworth, though not a member of the British Foreign Service, had been in the employment of the British Embassy in Istanbul in 1837, may be in intelligence work. At the end of the same year he went to Caucasia, where he met with his compatriot, James Bell. Both stayed in the coast till the spring season of 1839. In the meantime he had studied the Adiğe language, and had acquired intimate knowledge about the local leaders and the people. General Simpson dispatched to the Caucasian coast a team including Longworth, Admiral Lyens and a French Officer, on board of SS Samson. No one on board, except Longworth, had any idea as to the appropriate point of disembarkation. Longworth, based on his old knowledge of the area, safely guided them to north. The vessel approached Tuaps, and established contact with the shore. The young fighters at the on the shore informed the elders in the neighborhood of the situation. In no time the Ubih leaders, Hacı Grandük Berzeg and Brakoko Ismail, came to shore to receive the visitors. Longworth knew that the leaders whose opinion mattered resided further north. He gathered from the discourse with Berzeg and Ismail that the government was shared by Zanıko Sefer and Muhammed Emin. The team decided that Longworth, together with two officers, one British and the other French, would proceed to the north; and the warship would take Admiral Lyens back to the base. This time Longworth was in Caucasia on official duty. His sentiment, however, was different than that of a soldier or a political. He loved the Adiğes, and appreciated their struggle for freedom. He had joined the movement dedicated to support the Caucasian cause, which David Urquhart had started years ago. He had been a member of the group of such advocates of the Adiğes as Lord Russell and James Bell, who endeavored to build public opinion in Britain and the continent in favor of the Caucasians. In the process, on occasions they were at odds with the British Government, the Foreign Secretary Palmerston in particular. The situation he longed for so eagerly had now arrived. Longworth and his associates for many years had been working to persuade the British Government to support the Caucasians with military equipment. His wish had now materialized beyond his imagination. At the moment the Russian ports were under the siege of the most powerful navies in the world. Longworth was recollecting the past as he drove on the narrow trail leading to Tsemez. He was excited over the possible impact of the support to be provided by the allies. He was highly delighted over the realization of his dreams. The leading personalities he happened to know in the coast did not, however, exist any more. Bastiko Pşımef, Geriyiko Şemız, Havuduko Mansur and Şurukyıko Doğuj all had passed away. Longworth and James Bell had been in Tsemez for nearly two years as the guests of Geriyiko Şemız. He could not afford skipping the farm-house of his late good old friend. He casually stepped into the place. The watchmen had already informed all the regions to the effect that a foreign delegation was on its way to the north. The visitors were received by Geriyiko Şeretluk, Geriyiko Shanaş, Bastiko Osman and other leading residents of Tsemez and the neighborhood. Lognworth at the first glance recognized the agile young boys of the Geriyikos. Şeretluk and Shanaş, who bore the characteristics of their fathers, too immediately remembered the Englishman with tight trousers. Bastiko Osman, though younger than the two cousins, also recalled the stranger, who sometimes turned up at their house and talked with his father. Şeretluk slaughtered two lambs, and lavishly entertained Longworth and his companions. Longworth briefed the French officer accompanying him on the once celebrated leader, late Geriyiko Şemız. In conclusion he regretfully remarked, “You can’t imagine how happy he would have been to see us if he were alive today!” Longworth and his companions stayed in Tsemez2 for two days. Bastiko Osman invited his father’s old friend to his house. He offered him and his companion the best hospitality possible under the circumstances. Another reason for the delegation to stay at Tsemez for two days was need to wait for the return of the errand boys Şeretluk hand sent out to Muhammed Emin and to other Şapsığ quarters requesting for meeting at Adegum. The Allied Naval Forces reached the Crimean shores on September 13, 1854. A few of the warships steered towards the port city of Odessa, while the rest of them anchored offshore of Sevestopol. The Russian fleet, to avert a confrontation, had taken shelter at the Strait of Kerç. The acting Allied Commander, General Simpson, tried a peaceful method to achieve peace at little cost in human life. He proposed negotiations on condition that the Russian side agreed to unconditional surrender. The ultimatum, however, was answered with gunfire. The Allied Commander, having estimated that the Russians would fiercely resist, and hence the war might last longer than expected; had dispatched Longworth to the Caucasian coasts to elicit local support. It was the first week of April. The foreign delegation departed Tsemez for Anapa. The hills along either side of the trail were covered with forests, composed of varieties of trees. It presented a magnificent scenery. At every turn one could sight a different scenery. Longworth had passed through the same forests years ago and had found it marvelous. He remembered those days. The Englishman, well past his middle age, recollected the old days in all details. He inquired Şeretluk and Shanaş, who were driving on his flanks, about the persons whom he the happened to know. He was interested in the welfare of the leading members of such families as Supaş, Çipako and Abbat. When told that all those individuals he mentioned were dead, he was grieved, and his facial lines became tense. Zanıko Sefer Paşa had set up his headquarters at Fort Anapa, lately vacated by the Russians. Mindful that Muhammed Emin and some other leaders wouldn’t like to come to the fort, Sefer Paşa had come to his farmhouse in the Adegum area to hold the meeting there. Longworth and his entourage were received personally by Sefer Paşa at the approaches of the Vestagoy Valley. They were accommodated at the guest houses of the expansive Zanıko farm. Muhammed Emin arrived at the meeting place the next day. He was accompanied by the Şapsığ and Abzeh leaders allied with him. The British, French and Ottoman empires had formed an alliance, each seeking a different political objective, besides challenging Russian bellicosity. Britain and France didn’t favor a powerful Turkish State. Neither did they want to see the Ottoman Empire entirely collapsed. Both of them wanted it to exist always dependent to them. Besides; Britain wanted to have an area of interest in Caucasia. Longworth’s mission was to elicit support for the war efforts as well as to woo the local leaders. These were no secret to the Ottoman statesmen. They had accordingly instructed the Ottoman Naval commanders, and had alerted Sefer Paşa against British infiltration. Mindful of keeping things under his own control, Sefer Paşa hosted Longworth at his farm. On the same account he had opposed the idea of holding the meeting at Adegum. He saw to it that the meeting be held at his farm. The meeting was restricted to the leaders only. Having declared the meeting open, he advanced incredible ideas. He let it be known that they would like to have dealings with Britain through the Ottoman Government, rather than directly. He even threatened that they wouldn’t allow British or French warships enter the Caucasian waters. Longworth was an intelligent person. He sensed that though apparently the whole authority was vested in Zanıko Sefer, yet he was nervous and troubled. For in effect Muhammed Emin was the one who was actually more powerful. He had inferred so from what Şeretluk had told him on the way. Sefer Paşa having concluded his speech, Longworth turned to Muhammed Emin and inquired whether he was of the same opinion. For the last eight years the Naib had had a trying time. The lines on his face had deepened, and looked older to his age. He painfully smiled. To avoid to cause Sefer Paşa to rapture, he didn’t say, “I think otherwise!” His reply reflected the urge in him to temper his reply: - The Ottoman Government had been on our coasts for centuries. They have been trying to defend us against the Russians. Today also we receive the greatest support from the same quarter. That explains why Sefer Paşa spoke so. Muhammed Emin, intent to stop the issue being debated from an individualistic point of view, tried to change to course of the discussion. He said, - No matter if we at times appear quarreling among ourselves; we can unite when time comes. Please forget about whether our opinions converged or otherwise. Tell us about your plans. Let us discuss that! Longworth informed them all about what the Allied Naval Forces Command expected of the Adiğes. He told them that the Russian warships had taken shelter in the Strait of Kerç3 and in the shallow waters of the Azak Sea4 . The heavy warships of the allies are incapable of hitting the Russian fleet where they are. He also pointed at the disposition of the Russian land forces in the Taman region, and concluded that the two forces combined constituted a formidable potential the enemy kept in reserve. The intelligent Englishman stimulated the pride of the Caucasian leaders by emphasizing the importance of their contribution in dealing with the enemy. He concluded, - That should be your part of the job. You ought to destroy the enemy in the Taman Region. I know very well; you can do it! Sefer Paşa immediately changed stance. He suggested that an offensive could be organized, if need be. Mehmet Emin interjected, - No! the matter is not that simple. We wouldn’t hesitate to launch an offensive, if there were only the Russian cavalry to confront. There are the infantry with bayonets fixed on the rifles, and the artillery; all poised and properly shielded. He pondered for moment and went on, - The enemy is not going to brace us in the front. It are capable to counter attack from the rear too. There are several well fortified Russian fortresses along the River Kuban. We have to take them into account too. Having provided some further details, he presented his own plan. - You have landed force at a spot where you needn’t to. For Russia’s most vulnerable point is Caucasia. An allied landing at Caucasian shores could cut off the communication lines of the Russian armies at Turkey’s borders. We could support you with at least fifty-thousand strong cavalry force. Imam Şamil had been prepared for such an action in the east. After a brief pause he continued, - No use to cry over spilt milk. We are prepared to act. We are capable of rendering harmless the Russian garrisons along the Kuban. We have got only one condition. As you may be aware, the territories up to the River Kuban are under our control. You may land some artillery batteries and some rifled units to the north of Anapa. Let your artillery batteries guard our cavalry force. The rest we will take care of. Longworth did not expect such a proposal. He hope the Adiğes leaders would rashly respond as their predecessor: “ Okay! let us march on!” It was obvious to Longworth that the Naib knew how to calculate. He was disappointed. Nevertheless he appreciated the Naib; for he was rational. O0O Longworth by then understood that there was nothing that he could do. He stayed at Anapa for some time on the premise that there was no means available to take him to the allied fleet. Sefer Paşa could send him away on board of a light sail though; but neither side suggested it. He was determined to try his last chance. He took up the matter once again with Sefer Paşa and his associates. At the disposal of Zanıko Sefer Paşa there was a two hundred strong Turkish detachment commanded by a junior officer. He could mobilize about five thousand strong cavalry from the Adegum Region, if and when required. But it was not enough to ensure a victory. General Simpson had been briefed on the situation in Caucasia by Admiral Lyens. The general’s information was supplemented by the Ottoman Naval Command. He was aware that Muhammed Emin was an imposing leader. General Simpson dispatched Col. Williams to meet both Longworth and Muhammed Emin. Col. Williams arrived Anapa by sea at a time when Longworth’s patience was rock-bottom. Col. Williams stayed overnight at Fort Anapa, had a meeting with Sefer Paşa; and then had an exclusive meeting with Longworth, who briefed him on the existing confusion amongst the Adiğe leadership in terms of authority. Col. Williams and Longworth departed Anapa by sea to the Allied Naval Headquarters. Longworth was frustrated. However, he was going to report Muhammed Emin’s alternative plan to General Simpson. He was going to recommend it as more realistic alternative. That was what Longworth contemplated to do once he reached Crimea. He did not expect General Simpson would agree to Muhammed Emin’s proposal. For the entire available artillery batteries had been unloaded on Crimean shores under the fire cover of the allied fleet. Either the combat plan had to be altered or fresh forces had to be deployed to meet the Caucasian request. Both the alternatives presented a challenging situation to the Commanding General. As a result of the erroneous action on the part of the Ottoman statesmen, Zanıko Sefer Bey and Muhammed Emin had fallen apart; were bogged down in a struggle for power at the expense of national unity at a time when it was needed most. Muhammed Emin, departing from Sefer Paşa’s farm, did not right away return to his headquarters in the Abzeh Region. Instead he made a detour in the Şapsığ Region to meet the local leaders. Though Muhammed Emin had ostensibly turned down the plan Longworth had communicated, he wouldn’t sit idle either, to wait and see. In the course of his contacts with the Şapsığ leaders he advocated that it was the right time to initiate action against the Russian positions in each of the valleys in the region. Though he didn’t vocally express it, he was inclined to implement the British plan if he could rally a sufficiently strong force. Nevertheless the disrupted unity was not to be redeemed within a short time. A sort of apathy and indecision had plagued the leaders as well as the people at large. They were at a loss to know which way to turn or whom to align with. Notwithstanding all such unfavorable circumstances, Muhammed Emin organized small strike teams, and kept the Russian positions under constant harassment. The guerrilla groups, on occasions, managed to infiltrate beyond the enemy lines, as far as the Taman Region. The hit and run operations by Muhammed Emin’s small guerrilla teams proved highly effective. They pinned down the Russian troops in the Kuban front line, which otherwise could be been moved to reinforce the Crimean front. The position of the Ottoman army at the Georgian frontier had deteriorated by the spring of 1855. The Russian troops had been advancing slowly but steadily. The Fort of Kars fell to the Russians, and the adjacent areas were under enemy threat. A new plan wad devised to stop the Russian advance. A twenty-thousand strong Turkish force, commanded by Serdar-i Ekrem Ömer Paşa was landed at the Fort Sokhom, under the fire cover of the Allied Fleet. Ömer Paşa’s Chief of Staff was General Stein, who was originally a German, known in the Ottoman Army by the name of “Ferhat Paşa”. When word about the landing at Fort Sokhom reached the north, several of the Caucasian leaders, including Muhammed Emin, Zanıko Sefer, Hacı Grandük and Barakoko Ismail, flocked to Ömer Paşa’s headquarters. Ömer Paşa held a meeting to mark the occasion of the arrival of the Caucasian leaders at his headquarters. He listened to them individually. Most of them vaguely assured the Paşa that they were prepared to fight on his side. Muhammed Emin, however, exhibited the same self-assured stance he had presented before Longworth. He stressed that the choice of the landing site had been ill advised. He stressed the problems involved in the movement of troops and the artillery batteries through the mountainous terrain; and reminded Ömer Paşa of the distance between Fort Sokhom and Kars-Ardahan front-line, where fierce engagement had been going on. He offered him an alternative action plan. - If you were to land somewhere in the vicinity of Anapa, we would have supported you with a force, at least fifty thousand strong. Only then the Russians could have been hit at the rear; their supply lines could have been cut off; and their morale condition could have been shattered. General Stein appreciated Muhammed Emin’s plan, while it incensed Ömer Paşa. He rebuked not only the Naib but also the other leaders. He let it be known that the didn’t want any one of them to come to his help. Sefer Paşa, Muhammed Emin and the other leaders from the north soon left Ömer Paşa’s headquarters in dismay. Hacı Grandük and Barakoko Ismail stayed back at Sokhom. General Stein had asked them to stay there. The German general having studied the situation in depth, discovered that the Ottoman High Command was ill informed about the geographical structure of Abhazya, and that for the safe transfer of the force to its destination, there was an absolute need for guides, familiar with the roads and settlements in area. Despite Ömer Paşa’s reluctance, on behest of the German general, Hacı Grandük and Barakoko Ismail deployed the men at their own disposal to provide the Turkish Army with guides and other support as required of them. Serdar-i Ekrem Ömer Paşa, on account of his vanity and ignorance, thus missed an opportunity of scoring an important success. He failed to eliminate the Georgian militia and to engage with the main enemy force. Prince Menchekof, number one architect of the war, did not survive to see the end of the hostilities. Czar Nicholas, too old to sustain the pain of the defeat of his forces in Crimea, also died in August of 1855. At that juncture the European ruling families were relatives to one another through matrimony. It was by virtue of such relationship that Austria and Prussia intervened to stop the hostilities. Ömer Paşa withdrew his forces from Sokhom in the aftermath of the armistice, and moved to Anatolia by sea. The Russian reoccupied Abhazya before a peace agreement was concluded. Same thing happened in Anapa. The two-hundred Ottoman troops placed under the command of Sefer Paşa was also withdrawn. The small unit, before departing Anapa, set the whole of Anapa on fire and demolished the fortification. Sefer Paşa was horrified at the scene of destruction. In panic, he attempted to board the vessel which was to carry the Ottoman troops. He was barred to board. The commanding officer told him that he was to stay back in Caucassia. “It is it the order of the Paşa!”, he said. Longworth, while briefing the Allied Commander General Simpson on the situation in Caucasia, had pointed out on the basis of his own experience that the Caucasians had too many leaders because they were too much independent minded people. He had further observed, - I have lived with them for quite a long time. They are not at all barbarians as the Russians have alleged them to be. An Adiğe is as much sensitive about his own dignity as any one in Great Britain. They are a spiritually noble people. It should be a humanitarian obligation of all of us to be helpful to them. Unlike Longworth, General Simpson was not guided by his sentiments. To him the British interests were supreme. He acted only when the British interests warranted. Immediately after the cease-fire, he decided to hand over the surplus light weapons and other war material to the Adiğes. Accordingly the weapons and ammunitions were loaded on small sail boats of the Ottoman Navy. At the last moment, when the boates were to sail off, he changed his mind. General Simpson reasoned that since the gift munitions were to be delivered on board of Ottoman vessels, the whole credit for the affair would go to the Ottoman State. For the Caucasians would not realize the part played by Britain in this matter. On the pretext that the Ottoman vessels did not have barges to deliver the cargo on to the shore, he ordered the weapons and ammunitions be returned to the British ships. One of the Turkish sails was borrowed to guide the British vessels. The ships halted near Anapa. They waited for quite a long for a signal from the shore. Sefer Paşa had left the fort. The housing facilities at the fort having been demolished. Therefore he had withdrawn to his farm. The guards, who suspected the intention of the ships, denied permission to whoever attempted to land. The British Naval officers were very much annoyed at the lack of confidence on the part of the Adiğes on the shore. Sefer Paşa arrived at the scene at the last moment. He asked his son and some others to contact the ships. He was very pleased to find out what for the ships were there, The war material were unloaded, and were transported directly to the Serfer Paşa’s farm, rather than storing them in the ruined fort. Sefer Paşa estimated that the Russians would return to their earlier positions following the withdrawal of the Allied Forces. Besides; Fort Anapa had been destroyed beyond recognition. Hence It could hardly be defended under the circumstances. That explained why he had deserted the fort. He was justified in leaving the place for Sefer Paşa did not utilize the weapons rationally. He gave out the rifles at random to the fighters in the neighborhood. The guns were left unclaimed. For there was no one around tried to use them. The representatives of the states involved in the war got together at a meeting in Paris on February 25, 1856. Austria and Prussia also attended the meeting as the peace makers. The peace negotiation lasted for more than one month. A peace Treaty was signed on March 30. The Allied Powers restored the sovereignty of the Czar of Russia over Sevestopol, Balıklova, Kamış, Gözleve, Kerç, Yenikale and Kılburnu, the harbors and cities they had captured. In exchange the Russians withdrew from the Ottoman territories they had occupied in the Balkans and southern Caucasia. Startford Cannig de Redcliff, the British Ambassador in Istanbul, advocated creation of small independent buffer states between the Ottoman and Russian territories. The Ambassador argued that the Bulgars and Serbs in the west, and the Caucasians in the east claimed independence, and that in the event the parties concerned agreed to the proposal relevant to creation of buffer states, there would be little reason left for the two big powers to quarrel. Longworth, who was on the British delegation to the Paris Peace Conference, supported the British Ambassador’s proposal; and advocated independence of the Circassians. The British Government had given extensive power on the subject to Lord Clarendon, the Head of the British Delegation; far beyond the expectations of both Ambassador Redcliff and Longworth. If circumstances permitted, he could propose independence for whole Caucasia. On the other hand the Russian delegates, Orlov and Brunov had been instructed by their government not to allow any concession on Caucasia. The Russian delegation wooed the French delegation through lobbying. When it came to discuss the subject at the Peace Conference, Lord Clarendon stressed that there existed territories in Caucasia not yet under Russian control; and proposed that those territories be allowed to declare independence. The French were rather skeptic; and disapproved British influence in Caucasia. They withheld their support for the British proposal on the ground that the Circasians had not been sufficiently cooperative towards the Allies during the war. The Ottoman delegation manifested a position not at all expected of them. Osman Paşa, the heads of the Ottoman Delegation, declared that they had no problem relevant to Trans-Caucasia. He had said so out of concern about restoration of the enemy occupied Ottoman territories. Evidently; the Russian and Ottoman delegations had reached a tacit agreement on the subject. The British delegation did not dwell on the matter any further. They withdrew the proposal. Hence the discussions of the future of Caucasia was dropped.
It was true that there were areas in Caucasia, where the Russians could
not set their foot on. Imam Şamil in the east, and Muhammed Emin
in the west sustained resistance. They had been involved in the Russo-Ottoman
War. Incongruously, however, the parties concerned had betrayed Caucasia.
They surrendered Caucasia to the Russians, and so it was included
in the text of the Paris peace treaty of March 30,1856.
Under the international instrument adopted in 1841 the straits were closed to alien warships; the Ottoman and Russian empires were disallowed to set up shipyards on the shores of the Black Sea; and the Black Sea was accepted as neutral waters open to commercial navigation, irrespective of the nationality of the vessels. As a further emphasis to render the Black Sea as a zone of peace, the Paris Peace Treaty denied the Turkey and Russia the right to build any forts on the Black Sea shores, or to repair the already demolished ones. Russians, however, never honored the terms of the treaty in as far as Caucasia was concerned. They reoccupied the positions which they had been before outbreak of the war. No sooner; the Russian commercial vessels began delivering war and construction material to the Caucasia shores, to repair the forts, and to consolidate Russian tentacles there. Caucasia was once again militarily encircled. In the aftermath of the Paris Peace Conference there was a tumult in the British Public opinion. The Russophobe British politicians and intellectuals subjected the British Foreign Office with a bombardment of criticism. Such press organs as The Times, the Diplomatic Review, the Portfolio (published by David Urquhart), and others were full of fiery commentaries on the subject. The British intellectuals and press dwelt on the following points to be clarified by the Foreign Office: - How come that Russia defeated in the war; could be gainful at the conference table? - Why the Turks, who bore the brunt of the war and suffered most, were denied reparations? - Whereas Russia presented a threat to the British possessions in India, why she was not forced to withdraw from the Black Sea and Caucasia? Why Caucasians were denied the right to be independent? The British political parties also were influenced by the voice raised by the intellectuals and the press. The Paris Peace Treaty was yet to be debated at and ratified by the British House of Commons and the House of Lords. The leader of the Conservative Party, Stanley Derby, strongly criticized the Government. He told the Parliament, “I deeply regret to find out that the Paris Agreement includes nothing about Circassians!” Similar protestations were observed at the House of Lords. For instance Lord Malmebury, speaking at the House of Lords, inter alia, said: - My Lords! To be precise; we have run away, we have abandoned the Circasians. We have left them alone to face the ill fate which they did not deserve. During the war we asked them to support us; and they indeed did help us; I may admit. Loyord and Hamilton, members of the House of Lord, spoke in the same vein, and pledged that they would endeavor to hinder ratification of the treaty till the destiny of the Circasians was determined. The British intellectuals and political circles had been incensed by the position adopted by Russia. Russia had hoodwinked the signatory states. Immediately after the conclusion of the peace treaty she began acting arbitrarily, in total disregard of its provisions. Russia rebuilt the forts along the Caucasian coastal strip, and closed the area for foreign commercial intercourse. The captains of British commercial vessels navigating in the Black Sea exposed the restrictions, informed the press about the Russian misdemeanor, and submitted their complaints to relevant official authorities. Lord Palmerston was still holding the office of Foreign Secretary, and was not prepared to do anything that would spoil relation with Russia. Palmerston could rally enough support to secure ratification of the treaty in both the houses of British Parliament. O0O The Ottoman Government had been hard pressed at both in the Balkans and at Kars . Russia, on the other hand, had been hit at her underbelly. The allied naval forces carried out successful amphibious operations along the Crimean shores, and captured the fortresses on either side of the Strait of Kerç. Most important of all; the Russian Black Sea fleet, except a few light weight vessels sheltered in the shallow waters of the Sea of Azov, was entirely destroyed. An over all review of the war would suggest that the Russians General Staff had taken rational measure. They had vacated the fortresses along the Caucasian coast line, consolidated those to north of the rivers Kuban and Terek, and desisted from any action that might provoke the Caucasians. They moved troops to forward lines, where they were stronger; and adopted wait and see tactic, where they were weaker. The Russians did not offer any serious response to the attacks carried out by the forces of Imam Şamil in the east, and Muhammed Emin in the west. The Russian garrisons had shut themselves in the fortresses or strongholds shielded with piles of earth and stone, and it was with the help of the deterrent power of the artillery batteries that they could survive. It was the result of those measures that Russia did not incur any serious losses despite being the defeated side. In effect, the Czar’s armies, though roughed up a little, sustained their potential. When looked from the point of view of the Caucasians, the war eased the situation to some extent relative to the preceding period. For all the Russians forts and strongholds in the coast as well as those in the hinterland were vacated, though temporarily; and the numerous garrisons north of the rivers Kuban and Terek were in stand-still. In 1839, when the Imam was under siege at the Fort Ahulgan, the Russians had kidnapped Imam Şamil’s elder son Cemalettin, and had been holding him in hostage. The war provided Imam Şamil with an opportunity to bargain the release of his son. The Imam’s younger son Muhammed Gazi raided the farm of Prince Orbeliyen of Georgia, and took hostage twelve members of his family, including his wife and children. He demanded Cemalettin’s release in exchange of the Georgian aristocrats. Czar Nicholas had painstakingly brainwashed Cemalettin in the meantime, had recruited him in his Special Guards Unit, and had vested hope in him as his select bodyguard. Hence the Czar was highly reluctant to return him. The aged monarch had been frustrated. At a time when he thought he was at the peak of his power, he suddenly found himself in a rapid descend. His armies routed at several fronts. The saddening news depressed his soul. The strike inflicted by Şamil had been too heavy for him to sustain. The Czar’s death coincided with the exchange of the aristocrat captives against Cemalettin. O0O To Bastiko Osman the wartime had been a period of uncertainties, as if he were dreaming. Events unfolded in rapid succession, all full of surprises. The Russian forts on the coast were mysteriously emptied. The annoying scene of the enemy warships in the Bay of Tsemez vanished. Instead there appeared other ships said to be of friendly countries. He was bewildered seeing there ships flying Turkish and British flags. He could not believe his eyes when he saw Longworth, one whom he had seen in his childhood, reappearing after such a long time. Osman remembered very well that three Englishmen had been staying in Tsemez for a long time, and that they had been friendly with his father. Through years after their departure, the people in the coast had hoped they would revisit Tsemez. His father and his uncles- Geriyiko Şemız and Ali Bey had been surveying the Black Sea horizon to catch a glimpse of British warships, which they hoped would uproot the Russians from the coast. Geriyiko Şemiz sustained his expectation to his death. Against all the discouraging news and developments, the old man never lost hope and confidence in his British friends. He kept on watching the horizon through his binoculars, though stealthily to avoid sarcastic remarks. Indeed the invincible power, whom his uncle had been awaiting had at last arrived; and had forced the Russians at the coast to retreat to the north. The dream of the older generation had come true, Osman had gathered as a child. Bastiko Osman recollected whatever that he had been able to absorb then as a child. He narrated them to Lognworth in details at his own house, when he was entertaining the Englishman as his guest. - Uncle Şemız would pick up his binoculars, sit over a collapsed wall of the fort of Suğucak and surveyed the western horizon for hours at a time. A black spot on the sea far away thrilled him beyond imagination. Unfortunately he did not survive to see you again. The young man didn’t mind narrating how hopefully his elders had awaited his return. At the risk of offending his guest Osman concluded his memory, - During his last days, uncle Şemız was tormented by disappointment and frustration. He died the death of one betrayed by his friends. Longworth was aghast at what he was told. For some time he was at a loss what to do. Longworth couldn’t possibly explain the social and political fabric of Great Britain to the young Adiğe, who had never been outside his homeland. Even if Longworth somehow were to explain all that to Osman, how could Osman’s narrow intellect would have grasp the makeup of the royal family, the proud Lords, and the rival political parties; let alone the Foreign Secretary, the Russophile adamant goat named Palmerston. Longworth swallowed. “You are absolutely right!”, he replied; admitting his own supposed shortcoming. He gravely continued, - Do you think that a powerful state like the Great Britain could do anything she wished to? Longworth unwittingly provoked Osman answer him with a difficult question “It seems it could. Isn’t your presence here at this moment is a proof of that!” Osman retorted. The Englishman whom Osman had know in his childhood was no longer a young man now. He was a mature person in the knowledge of what to say; and how, when and where to say it. He couldn’t of course tell him, “We happen to be here in pursuit of our own national interests only!” Longworth’s appearance for the second time on the coast had incited hope and excitement in the young Basti. He felt the same sort of throbbing of heart, which one would when one yearned for a lofty ideal. The people of the coast, having been disillusioned by the Ottoman Government, had invested hope in Britain as their possible savior, and had been in the waiting for being relieved from Russian menace. In due course of time, however, they understood that it too was a sort mirage never to be materialized. And now that the people had totally divorced the idea of impending foreign aid, and had nearly forgotten all about it, the saviors have suddenly been sighted on the horizon. Osman took it for a miracle. It could mark a turning point for the Adiğe people. That means his elders had not been waiting for ships for nothing. It wasn’t a dream; it was a reality. Despite the ongoing war, the Black Sea was a peaceful lake. The daring seamen of the Anatolian coastal region started coming to the Caucasian harbors, with their light sails loaded full to the brim with merchandise. Osman resumed his barter trade. Not only his condition, but also the condition of everyone in the coast seemed improving. The people in the coast, engaged in their daily routine, appeared totally unaffected and unaware of the bloody hostilities going on far away. They were relieved of the nauseating pressure that had been brought to bear upon them by the Russian blockade. The Basti district had the semblance of a fanfare. The female and children had pushed the dreadful days of the past into the oblivion. The unnoticed disappearance of the young fighting men at occasions for several days at a time, was received in the household without much of an alarm. For they returned without any significant causality, which reassured the family that the situation had been improving. Nevertheless those with an inkling of the war, were not that much at ease. The apparent relaxation did not adequately satisfy them to feel secure. They expected further credible evidence for a durable security. Basti Ahmet, Osman’s elder brother, had entered the service of Sefer Paşa, his father-in-law. He had moved to Sefer Bey’s farm, along with his wife and children. Osman didn’t approve it, though the females in the household, including his wife, were happy to see Hangoş gone. Indeed Basti Osman wouldn’t be of the same opinion as his wife and the rest of the females. His elder brother’s gradual estrangement from the Basti colony made him increasingly uneasy. He could not reconcile himself with further break up of the Basti Family at a time when no news were available from the main body of the Basti Family in the Psıfabe Valley. Osman did try to keep relations with his brother warm enough by paying occasional visits to Sefer Paşa’s farm. Most of those visits eroded his optimism bit by bit. What he heard and saw there disturbed his wishful thinking about the future. Basti Ahmet didn’t suffice bringing along his wife and children to Sefer Paşa’s farm. He had seen to it that about ten young men from the Basti colony Tsemez moved to the farm. The group also included a son of Janbek, his uncle who had been killed while defending Tsemez against the abortive Russian landing there. Janbek’s son Selim had been brought up by his maternal uncle, Batmazoğlu Ali Bey. He was more a merchant rather than a fighter. Ahmet wanted him to take the benefit of the thriving Anapa market, rather than using him as a fighter. Selim could not object his elder, as it had been a family mandate. Osman was concerned on account of the departure of the young men. Five of them were married. They had gone, leaving their wives and children at the Basti district in Tsemez. Osman considered himself responsible for their safety. Besides; Osman heavily depended on Selim’s help in business. The tree years long wartime passed in such confused and complex events. The news circulating in the coast at times pleased the inhabitants, and at other times led them to despair. Hope and despair, the twins that shape our sentiments, alternately prevailed over their spirit.
Be it what it may; every passing day had rendered Osman a more mature person.
1Romania and
Moldavia before 1861
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